Archaeology shows how hunter-gatherers fitted into southern Africa’s first city, 800 years ago

Where the Limpopo and Shashe Rivers meet, forming the modern border between Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe, lies a hill that hardly stands out from the rest. One could easily pass it without realising its historical significance. It was on and around this hill that what appears to be southern Africa’s earliest state-level society and urban city, Mapungubwe, appeared around 800 years ago.

Archaeologists excavate inside and outside Little Muck Shelter, in the Mapungubwe National Park, South Africa.

After nearly a century of research, we’ve learnt quite a lot about this ancient kingdom and how it arose among early farmer society and its involvement in global trade networks. However, before farmers settled the region, this terrain was the home of hunter-gatherer groups, who have hardly been acknowledged despite, as it seems, their involvement in the rise of Mapungubwe.

My team and I have been working in northern South Africa at sites that we believe will help us recognise the roles played by hunter-gatherers during the development of the Mapungubwe state in a bid to generate a more inclusive representation of the region’s past.

Two beautifully painted giraffe are at the centre of the site in orange and red. These have been traced using digital software to limit contact with the art which may lead to damage.

Our primary study site is called Little Muck Shelter. It is in the Mapungubwe National Park and about 4km south of the Limpopo River. The shelter is fairly large with a protected area under a high ceiling and a large open space in front. It also has many paintings on its walls, including elephants, kudu, felines, people, and a stunning set of giraffes. This art was produced by hunter-gatherers and it is generally considered to refer to the spirit-world and the activities of shamans therein.

The results from our research shows two things. First, hunter-gatherers lived in the area while the Mapungubwe Kingdom arose. Second, during this time they were part of the economy that assisted with the appearance of elite groups in society, and they had access to this wealth. When combined this tells us that we cannot think about Mapungubwe’s history without including hunter-gatherer societies. They were present and a part of these significant developments.

Why is this important? One of the foundational developments that took place that led to the rise of the Mapungubwe Kingdom was the accumulation of wealth. It drove the appearance of hierarchies in society and marked prestige. These trade goods were valuable items usually possessed by elite groups. And yet, hunter-gatherers, through exploiting their own skills, were able to obtain related goods at a time when these items were contributing to significant transformations in society. That they had access to wealth during this period likely shows us that their role in local society was valued and they were entrenched in the local economy in a way that we’ve not previous recognised.

Unearthing evidence of trade

We were attracted to Little Muck Shelter because of previous work at the site in the late 1990s that showed intense trade between hunter-gatherers and farmers took place from the shelter. To understand this better, we needed a larger archaeological assemblage to verify, or refine, what we thought might be taking place.

Field team member Siphesihle Kuhlase shows a broken bangle while others remove deposit in search of artefacts.

We also wanted to more closely examine the depths that dated between AD 900 and 1300, during which the processes leading to Mapungubwe began and ultimately concluded, in order to clearly show a hunter-gatherer presence during this period as well as their participation in local economic networks.

To do this, we needed to dig. Archaeological excavations are a slow and meticulous process that involve the careful removal of layers of artefact-bearing deposits with a very strict control of depth and location within an excavation trench.

Following this is a lengthy period of analysis that adheres to rigorous protocols to ensure consistency in identifying artefact types, their production techniques or methods, how they were used, and what they were made from.

A range of artefact types found at hunter-gatherer sites like Little Muck Shelter. Stone scrapers (A) and backed tools (B), which were used for producing goods and hunting, respectively, glass beads (C), traded into central Africa from the east African coastline, and larger ostrich eggshell beads (D), bone points or needles (E), broken pieces of copper jewellery (F) and pottery (G), and a grooved stone used to either sharpen metal tools, round ostrich eggshell beads, or finish and polish bone tools (H). Tim Forssman

We then piece all this evidence together in our attempt to understand past ways of living. From our results, we were able to trace a hunter-gatherer history that intertwined with the rise of Mapungubwe.

Our first and important task was to show that hunter-gatherers were still around when Mapungubwe appeared. To date, we’ve examined about 15,000 stone tools from a sample of our excavations and identified a set of finished tools that are the same as those produced by hunter-gatherers for millennia before farmer groups appeared. We believe that this consistency in cultural material over such a long span of time clearly shows that hunter-gatherers were living in the shelter when farmers were in the area.

We then wanted to look more closely at the trading economy. From the moment farmer groups appeared in the region, during the early first millennium AD, hunter-gatherers shifted their craft activities. Rather than mostly producing goods made from hide, wood and shell, they began making mostly bone implements and did so until the end of the Mapungubwe Kingdom at AD 1300. This suggests that the interactions hunter-gatherers had with farmers from when they first arrived stimulated change in their crafted wares.

Why did they change their crafting activities? At the same time that these shifts took place, we recorded the appearance of trade wealth in the form of ceramics and glass beads, initially, and then metal. These goods were never made by hunter-gatherers and are common at farmer settlements, indicating exchange between these two communities. It indicates that hunter-gatherers responded to new market opportunities through emphasising their own skill sets.

Our work to identify more evidence that shows a hunter-gatherer involvement in these processes continues. We are trying to find out in what other ways they were involved and whether they themselves developed a more complex society.

This article was published in The Conversation.

Travelling heritage in mobile museum: bringing the past to people

By Justine van Heerden and Tim Forssman

Twenty-first century museums are primarily interested in two things: safeguarding cultural heritage and informing, educating and entertaining the public. However, as much knowledge that there is to gain from museums, and heritage that there is to experience at heritage sites, these are not activities that are equally available to all. Numerous museum visitor surveys have determined that the frequent museum visitor, on average, belongs to the upper socio-economic classes of society (Hood 1993). This means that a large portion of the population does not attend museums. There are many reasons to account for this, such as the cost of entrance fees, individuals being located far from museums and heritage sites, and exhibitions that do not accommodate all audiences. In South Africa, this also reinforces inequalities, and further disassociates people from their heritage.

To remedy this, the Hunter-Gatherer Archaeological Research Project, or HARP, designed an interactive, mobile museum. When we meet members of the community, give site tours, or interact with students, the museum travels with us and we use it to help teach people about the past. We are also studying the value of this approach by trying to determine how effective this type of heritage display is at improving access to heritage and how well this educates and informs the public about heritage, archaeological materials, and practices.

Previous Travelling and Mobile Museums

Travelling museums are not new. They became popular in the mid-twentieth century. One of the main goals was to make these exhibits available to people who were unable to visit museums and heritage sites. Many of these travelling museum programmes would visit rural communities as they were usually the ones with limited access to the museums located in cities. They further aimed to educate people in a range of subjects, to correct misconceptions, and to create an enjoyable experience (Diafuku 1963). The travelling exhibits were most commonly transported using a modified trailer, van or bus with the exhibits displayed on the sides of the interior.

Smaller more mobile museums have been regularly used in the past. For example, UNESCO began an initiative in 1962 to build experimental mobile museums that were to be displayed across Africa. These museums were connected to adult educational programs and discussed topics such as agriculture and health (Diafuku 1965). The Namibian Ministry of Education and Culture, along with the Museum Organisation and Volunteer Service Overseas (VSO), began a Mobile Museum Service in 1996 that would serve as an educational and developmental tool. The museum exhibitions were used in schools to improve curriculums and to aid the museums in the country to assist in formal education (Nias & Nias 1996). Botswana had a similar service at the time (the Botswana Mobile Museum and Education Service) that was consulted in order to begin this service in Namibia. This project also trained museum staff in the production of museum exhibits and showed schoolteachers how to use these exhibits in their curriculums (Nias & Nias 1996).

The HARP Travelling Museum

The aims of HARP’s travelling museum are threefold. It intends to make it easier for members of the public to access heritage and to see archaeological artefacts. It also aims to create an experience where people are allowed to interact, touch and hold the artefacts in the museum displays to get a sense of what these things feel like. The interactive component of the museum makes it possible for people who are, for example, visually impaired to experience heritage. Lastly, the museum strives to teach people about archaeology, the methods and theories used, and, more specifically, forager groups in the Mapungubwe area, a topic that has been largely neglected.

Our travelling museum consists of a basic frame with five drawers, each containing artefacts from different time periods. The order of the drawers replicates stratigraphy, which states that the oldest layer of deposit is at the bottom and those above it are young. In our museum, the lowest drawer contains the oldest artefacts and the ones above are progressively younger. The sides of the drawers have also been painted different colours to illustrate what the different strata in the walls of an excavation in an archaeological site might look like. At the bottom is the Earlier and Middle Stone Age display, which contains a few examples of stone tools that were prominent during those periods. The artefacts in the Later Stone Age display above it contains typical examples of stone tools found during this time, as well as organic material like bones and teeth. The next drawer has a rock art display, which Justine painted onto a rock slab, of four fat-tailed sheep from northern South Africa. We chose this image because it has multiple interpretations mostly linked to social contact between different groups, which is HARP’s main study theme. The Iron Age display follows and contains artefacts such as ceramics, beads, metal slag, and a decorated piece of an old grain storage bin. The artefacts in the top drawer are from a modern experiment carried out by Dr Nicole Sherwood. The display illustrates the different stages of stone tool production as well as how artefacts like formal stone tools and arrowheads were hafted and used. The presentation of this display also includes a demonstration of how bone pressure flaking was used to make stone tools.

Conclusion

The aim of the museum is to enhance and invigorate our project’s community outreach work and improve people’s relationship with heritage and our national past. Museums are not spaces that are easily accessed by all, and so the mobile aspect of our initiative tries to remedy this by bringing heritage to people instead of the other way around. The museum also lifts the glass from the traditional museum display cases to allows people to experience the past in a way they may not have done previously. This type of museum makes heritage more inclusive for all and it closes the gap between people and their pasts.

You can find the article in the March issue of Pretoria Historia.

References

Daifuku, H. 1963. Exhibitions in the Technically Underdeveloped Countries. Museums and Monuments X. Temporary and travelling exhibitions. Dusseldorf: UNESCO.

Daifuku, H. 1965. An experimental mobile museum for Tropical Africa. Museum International 18: 126-129.

Hood, M. 1993. After 70 Years of Audience Research, What Have We Learned? Who Comes to Museums, Who Does Not, and Why?. In: Thompson, D. et al. (eds) Visitor Studies: Theory, Research, and Practice: 16-27. Jacksonville: Visitors Studies Association.

Nias, C. & Nias, P. 1996. Nambia’s Mobile Museum Service. Museum International 48: 45-48.